\u5b9e\u9645\u662f\u5143\u65e6\u5f53\u5929\u8bfb\u5b8c\u7684\u4e66\uff0c\u4e00\u76f4\u6ca1\u6709\u8865\u6458\u8981\u3002\u975e\u5e38\u6709\u8da3\u768480\u5e74\u4ee3\u5386\u53f2\u7684\u7814\u7a76\uff0c\u8fd9\u6bb5\u5386\u53f2\u5df2\u7ecf\u88ab\u6781\u5927\u7684\u4fee\u6539\u8fc7\u4e86\uff0c\u7814\u8bfb\u4e0b\u5f53\u65f6\u7684\u5386\u53f2\uff0c\u5bf9\u4e8e\u8ba4\u8bc6\u5f53\u4e0b\u7684\u4e2d\u56fd\u548c\u672a\u6765\uff0c\u65e0\u7591\u662f\u5341\u5206\u6709\u610f\u4e49\u7684\u3002\u7167\u4f8b\u505a\u4e9b\u6458\u5f55\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n
What is today called the \u201cChina model\u201d\u2014extraordinarily rapid economic growth paired with enduring authoritarian political control\u2014was not the only vision of the future China\u2019s leaders pursued in the decades following Mao Zedong\u2019s death in 1976. They imagined and experimented with many possible \u201cChina models\u201d in the 1980s. Yet China\u2019s rulers have worked hard to conceal this fuller story and the pivotal choices that determined China\u2019s development. Bringing this forbidden history back into focus is vital. One of the most momentous transformations of the twentieth century has been the subject of immense historical distortion to bolster the legitimacy of the Communist Party\u2019s chosen path.\u00a0<\/p>
The pages ahead show in detail how they settled on and pursued this so-called China model, not through a master plan but incrementally, adjusting to ideas and events as they confronted them\u2014a transformation that has reshaped both China and the rest of the world.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
08\u91d1\u878d\u5371\u673a\u540e\u9f13\u5439\u7684\u5317\u4eac\u5171\u8bc6\u5df2\u7ecf\u7834\u4ea7\u4e86\u3002\u867d\u7136\u6539\u9769\u4e0d\u53ea\u6709\u4e00\u6761\u8def\u53ef\u9009\uff0c\u4f46\u73b0\u5b9e\u9009\u4e86\u4e00\u6761\uff0c\u653f\u6cbb\u5c31\u53ea\u5141\u8bb8\u628a\u8fd9\u6761\u8bf4\u6210\u5fc5\u7531\u4e4b\u8def\u4e86\u3002\u8def\u4e5f\u4e0d\u662f\u4ec0\u4e48\u603b\u8bbe\u8ba1\u5e08\u8bbe\u8ba1\u51fa\u6765\u7684\uff0c\u662f\u4e00\u6b65\u6b65\u8d70\u51fa\u6765\u7684\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n
It is now clear that China\u2019s experience is reshaping how scholars and practitioners understand capitalism, development, and modernization in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Yet many significant aspects of China\u2019s experience, whether the extraordinary fluidity of the 1980s or the role of ideas in shaping China\u2019s rise, remain to be reckoned with. There was no clear-cut \u201cstate\u201d versus \u201cmarket\u201d duality but rather a constant intermingling of developmental forces, with trial-and-error policies that arose from the grassroots as well as the \u201ccommanding heights.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>
For China\u2019s rulers today, this fuller history of the 1980s is not just \u201cunusable\u201d or useless; it is threatening. But Chinese history has not ended with Xi Jinping\u2019s rise to dominance. Prospects for change\u2014whether they come from within the party or outside of it\u2014will one day look to the history of the 1980s to help understand what China might yet become.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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However, it is important to recognize that no clear end point of the process was established at this famous Third Plenum. The CCP was, in a widely used phrase, \u201ccrossing the river by feeling for the stones.\u201d The phrase \u201creform and opening\u201d had not yet been coined\u2014it would only begin to appear in 1984\u2014and Yu Guangyuan recalled that \u201creform ideas were generally embryonic\u201d at the Third Plenum. Put another way, the leadership had committed itself to modernization, but it had not yet determined what that modernization would entail or what a new Chinese \u201cmodernity\u201d would look like.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
\u6539\u9769\u548c\u5f00\u653e\u4e24\u4e2a\u8bcd\u8d77\u521d\u5e76\u4e0d\u5728\u4e00\u8d77\u3002\u4e09\u4e2d\u5168\u4f1a\u5b9a\u4e86\u73b0\u4ee3\u5316\u7684\u76ee\u6807\uff0c\u4f46\u7a76\u7adf\u8981\u5b9e\u73b0\u4ec0\u4e48\u6837\u7684\u73b0\u4ee3\u5316\u5176\u5b9e\u5e76\u4e0d\u6e05\u695a\u3002\u8fd9\u5c31\u662f\u771f\u5b9e\u7684\u5386\u53f2\uff0c\u753b\u4e2a\u5927\u997c\u5148\uff0c\u5927\u5bb6\u90fd\u611f\u89c9\u826f\u597d\uff0c\u540e\u9762\u518d\u6162\u6162\u8865\u8bfe\u3002\u8fd9\u6761\u8def\u57fa\u672c\u662f\u8d70\u5230\u4e86\u73b0\u5728\uff0c\u4e4b\u524d\u662f\u7167\u732b\u753b\u864e\uff0c\u76f8\u5bf9\u5bb9\u6613\uff1b\u518d\u5f80\u524d\u771f\u6b63\u9762\u5bf9\u672a\u77e5\u7684\u65f6\u5019\uff0c\u5982\u679c\u6ca1\u6709\u673a\u5236\u4f18\u52bf\uff0c\u8fd9\u79cd\u6a21\u5f0f\u8fd8\u80fd\u7ee7\u7eed\u4e0b\u53bb\u5417\uff1f<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Another new enemy that appeared on the scene was existentialist philosophy. University students were reading widely as a dizzying array of fiction, philosophy, psychology, and poetry was translated into Chinese. On elite university campuses, no foreign thinker was more popular than Jean-Paul Sartre. One popular novel included a youthful, individual- istic character, fixated on the French philosopher, who was warned by a friend that he was \u201ca dangerous thing to study.\u201d On August 10, 1981, Sartre\u2019s play Dirty Hands, <\/em>the story of a disillusioned Communist who realizes that he has been deceived by the party, premiered at a Shanghai theater; it echoed the \u201cscar literature\u201d that appeared as Chinese writers sought to reckon with the violence and suffering of the Maoist period.Existentialist \u201chumanism\u201d and \u201cindividualism\u201d seemed at odds with socialism to many CCP ideologues, who soon decided they had seen enough.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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Hu Yaobang\u2019s report at the 12th Party Congress in September 1982 positioned socialist spiritual civilization as closely linked to China\u2019s \u201cmaterial civilization.\u201d Yet significant uncertainty remained about what, positively, \u201csocialist spiritual civilization\u201d meant. CCP ideologues were firm that it should be \u201cscientific,\u201d and in early 1983, a propaganda directive circulated with Hu Qiaomu\u2019s guidance on \u201cpopularizing science and opposing religious superstition.\u201d30 However, Chinese society was full of signs that people were yearning for forms of individual and communal fulfillment beyond the framework of \u201csocialist spiritual civilization.\u201d One example was intense interest that spread nationwide in breathing techniques called qigong.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>
The 12th Party Congress of 1982 reaffirmed the goal of quadrupling China\u2019s output by the year 2000. Although the congress\u2019s work report was penned in Hu Yaobang\u2019s name, it also echoed Chen\u2019s statements, as- serting the primacy of the planned economy and the \u201csubordinate and secondary\u201d role of market mechanisms. However, in subsequent state- ments on how to achieve the quadrupling goal, Zhao particularly encouraged foreign trade, stating, \u201cAs long as it is not a dependency, a favorable exchange is still self-reliance.\u201d Deng, meanwhile, repeatedly raised concerns about why the targets for state plans remained low and promoted more rapid growth. Deng also laid strong emphasis on \u201cbuilding socialism with Chinese characteristics\u201d\u2014an enduring term that offered a spacious, vague, and malleable assertion of the distinctiveness of China\u2019s modernization agenda, while subtly suggesting that Chen Yun\u2019s ideas were still too closely borrowed from the Soviet planning model. Two visions of economic modernization were taking shape, and their goals seemed irreconcilable.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
\u5341\u4e8c\u5927\u793e\u4f1a\u4e3b\u4e49\u7cbe\u795e\u6587\u660e\u7684\u63d0\u51fa\u5374\u5e26\u51fa\u4e86\u6c14\u529f\u70ed\uff0c\u73b0\u5728\u770b\u6765\u8ba9\u4eba\u82e6\u7b11\u4e0d\u5f97\u3002\u5341\u4e8c\u5927\u8fd8\u5f97\u575a\u6301\u9648\u4e91\u7684\u8ba1\u5212\u7ecf\u6d4e\u4e3a\u4e3b\uff0c\u5e02\u573a\u7ecf\u6d4e\u4e3a\u8f85\uff1b\u597d\u5728\u5f00\u59cb\u9f13\u52b1\u5916\u8d38\u4e86\uff0c\u8fd9\u70b9\u662f\u4ea4\u6362\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n
China\u2019s leaders had a series of broad, quantifiable objectives as they set out to modernize the economy. Deng Xiaoping wanted China to quadruple its industrial and agricultural output by the year 2000. He also promised that the Chinese people would attain a \u201cmoderately prosperous\u201d level of wealth in which well- being was widely distributed and people could live comfortably. But he did not know how exactly to achieve these objectives, and he sometimes changed his mind during this decade. Other leaders\u2014such as the CCP elders Chen Yun and Li Xiannian and frontline leaders General Secretary Hu Yaobang and Premier Zhao Ziyang\u2014competed to develop policies to achieve these goals. Indeed, the defining characteristic of economic policy making during the 1980s was contestation, not consensus.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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These debates over the newly approved \u201cplanned commodity economy\u201d formulation also revealed an important emerging characteristic of China\u2019s reform process. Because of the compromises necessary to achieve a consensus on an official formulation, such phrases often contained components in seeming opposition (in this case, \u201cplanned\u201d and \u201ccommodity\u201d). This, in turn, created a situation in which these formulations were highly generative and required further interpretation even after receiving official endorsement, which generated continued contestation. The debates among Chinese economists often centered on developing a \u201cbest\u201d interpretation, a process that often involved the same actors who formulated the phrase in the first place. Even once they had arrived at a \u201csystematic idea,\u201d the challenges of interpretation, revision, and implementation remained unresolved.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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The biggest disappointment was that the SEZs were not becoming the export engines that leaders had hoped for. Their growth was coming from investment and domestic production, and as of 1985, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, and Xiamen all exported less than half of their industrial production. The four SEZs had become a drain on limited foreign exchange, reportedly running up a trade deficit of US$900 million by importing nearly four times as much as they exported. Future premier Zhu Rongji, then SPC deputy chairman, acknowledged to a delegation visiting Beijing that Shenzhen\u2019s development \u201cobviously isn\u2019t running smoothly.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
\u7ecf\u6d4e\u7279\u533a\u6ca1\u6709\u53d8\u6210\u56fd\u5bb6\u51fa\u53e3\u7684\u53d1\u52a8\u673a\uff0c\u53cd\u800c\u662f\u8fdb\u53e34\u500d\u4e8e\u51fa\u53e3\uff0c\u9006\u5dee\u8fbe9\u4ebf\u7f8e\u5143\u3002\u8fd9\u4e2a\u548c\u8bbe\u8ba1\u662f\u5f88\u4e0d\u76f8\u7b26\u7684\uff0c\u6df1\u5733\u4e5f\u6709\u4f4e\u6f6e\u3002\u4f46\u8fd9\u6bb5\u5386\u53f2\u5c31\u5f7b\u5e95\u88ab\u57cb\u846c\u4e86\u3002<\/p>\n\n\n\n
This rising interest in futurism developed in tandem with a growing focus among China\u2019s rulers on cybernetics, systems engineering, and forecasting as they sought to help China meet its ambitious development goals for the year 2000, which included quadrupling the gross value of industrial and agricultural output from 1980 levels. \u201cCybernetics is the science that studies the control laws of complex systems,\u201d wrote Tong Tianxiang, a prominent champion of cybernetics, in People\u2019s Daily. <\/em>These techniques, he noted, could be applied to automating production, building computers and \u201cartificial intelligence,\u201d improving defense technology, and even to \u201cthe social system\u201d\u2014that is, to \u201cimproving the operation\u201d of society itself. Soon after the 1978 National Science Conference, Qian Xuesen\u2019s book on systems control and cybernetics, Engineering Cybernetics<\/em>\u2014originally written in the early 1950s in English, when Qian was still working in the United States\u2014was republished in Beijing. For Qian, systems engineering sat comfortably alongside his continued commitment to Marxism, and he also partnered with experts in cybernetics from the Soviet Union, where the field enjoyed great popularity. After Mao\u2019s death, Qian advocated the establishment of institutes at major universities, the publication of books and journals, and the creation of a Systems Engineering Society. This focus on cybernetics and systems engineering directly affected policymaking in the early 1980s. In the economic domain, officials at the State Council began to use these techniques to model prices, wages, and financial subsidies and forecast increases in energy usage as China\u2019s economy grew, calling cybernetics \u201ca technology that organizes and manages socialist construction.\u201d Of course, they also continued to be widely used in the defense sector.But perhaps the most significant consequence of this scientific field was in policies regarding population control in China.\u00a0<\/p>
Even so, the Chinese leadership continued to invest in systems engineering and futurist projections. In 1983, Zhao approved a research out- line for a project on \u201cChina in the Year 2000,\u201d and shortly thereafter, the CSFS held a symposium on this topic. The ideal of managing society as a large mechanical system remained profoundly alluring to the CCP. Young officials imagined having the capacity, by the PRC\u2019s centenary in 2049, to clone people and re-create the exact scene that had filled Tiananmen Square when Mao spoke on October 1, 1949.\u00a0<\/p>
As a result, in early 1984 The Third Wave <\/em>was temporarily banned.66 Shortly thereafter, Ma Hong spoke to a meeting of provincial officials and walked back his endorsement of what he now called the \u201ccurrently popular so-called \u2018Third Wave.\u2019\u201d Toffler\u2019s and Naisbitt\u2019s works \u201cdo not support and even oppose Marxism.\u201d Ma said that he had been deeply troubled by an unacceptable comment made by a graduate student at Pe- king University. \u201cMarxism is out of date,\u201d the student had said, adding, \u201cToffler\u2019s Third Wave <\/em>is the most correct way of thinking.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>
Zhao would subsequently suggest that the project be labeled the \u201c863 Program,\u201d reflecting the proposal\u2019s March 1986 date.26 The New Technological Revolution, Toffler\u2019s ideas, and Zhao\u2019s development-focused agenda were the foundation on which the 863 Program was built\u2014with Zhao continuing to coordinate the SSTC, CAS, and the State Planning Commission (SPC), among other government institutions, to develop and implement this strategy.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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Hu\u2019s focus on improving the party had an insidious enemy that seemed to be growing more pervasive by the day: corruption. A series of scandals battered the leadership as officials were found to be commit- ting fraud, embezzling money, and taking bribes. As a political problem, this went well beyond the ideologized attempts to \u201cstrike hard\u201d against economic crimes earlier in the decade (see Chapter 2). Some of the most egregious cases were committed by the children of prominent leaders, such as Hu Qiaomu\u2019s son who was arrested for fraud after reportedly embezzling 3 million yuan. Certain regions received particularly intense attention; the southern island of Hainan, for example, was the locus of a major \u201cprofiteering scandal\u201d that led to the firing of at least three top officials and investigations reportedly involving eighty-eight of the island\u2019s ninety-four administrative departments.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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On October 15,1986. the KMT Central Standing Committee lifted the ban on political parties and announced the end of decades of martial law. As in the case of the Philippines, these events were reported in Chinese state media, and Beijing\u2019s reaction was formally positive\u2014and in this case, of course, it was shaped by the CCP\u2019s continuing claims to \u201creunifying\u201d with Taiwan. \u201cJiang Jingguo [Chiang Ching-kuo] is now also pushing for political reform in Taiwan,\u201d Zhao Ziyang\u2019s chief of staff Bao Tong said. \u201cWe should do our reform better than he. \u201d\u3002In this same period, China\u2019s largest neighbor, the Soviet Union, was also presenting significant political reforms to the world. On February 25, 1986, at the opening of the 27th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev hailed the \u201cnew political thinking\u201d in the spirit of democratization and transparency. This wave of changes on China\u2019s periphery was profoundly unsettling to China\u2019s rulers. In the Soviet Union and Taiwan, leaders had chosen to launch political reforms to save\u2014and transform\u2014their regimes. In the Philippines, by contrast, Marcos had refused to liberalize and lost \u201cthe people\u2019s hearts.\u201d Unless China could find another way forward, the choice for the CCP seemed stark: reform or perish.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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Yet this was not the whole story. One additional decision was made on November 2, at the First Plenum of the 13th CCP Central Committee that immediately followed the congress. That decision was a secret protocol to keep significant power in Deng Xiaoping\u2019s hands\u2014an internal agreement made by Zhao and the new Politburo Standing Committee, despite the public fanfare surrounding Deng\u2019s retirement from official positions.\u00a0At this meeting, Zhao promised that the new leadership would continue to \u201cseek the advice and help\u201d of the elders, and \u201cComrade Xiaoping in particular.\u201d But this was not simply a polite show of deference. Even when Deng did not serve on the Standing Committee of the Politburo, Zhao continued, \u201cThe status and value of Comrade Xiaoping as a decision-maker on the major problems for our party and nation did not change.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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The newspaper Guangming Daily, <\/em>popular among intellectuals, declared, \u201cNeo-authoritarianism is a \u2018special express train\u2019 to democratic politics via marketization,\u201d albeit an express train that would take a few stops before its \u201cdemocratic\u201d destination. On March 4, Zhao described neo-authoritarianism to Deng. \u201cThe main point of this theory is that the modernization of backward countries inevi- tably passes through a phase in which it has to turn to a politics that cannot follow Western-style democracy, but instead is centered on strong, authori- tarian leaders who serve as the motivating force for change,\u201d Zhao said. Deng responded, \u201cThat is exactly what I stand for. But it is not necessary to use that formulation.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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With crowds filling Beijing\u2019s central square, Deng Xiaoping\u2019s mind turned to Poland, which he continued to follow with great concern. On April 4, 1989, Poland\u2019s Round Table Agreement effectively dissolved the position of the Communist Party general secretary and set the stage for a large-scale electoral victory for the Solidarity coalition in the upcoming national elections. Deng was determined to prevent the CCP from meeting the same fate as its Polish counterpart.48 One senior Chinese official told Egon Krenz, the second-ranking official in East Germany, that the Chinese leaders believed that \u201clegalizing the opposition would be the beginning of the end of socialism in China\u201d because of the Polish experience with Solidarity, and they were prepared to take extreme measures to stop it.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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The notion of Deng as the \u201cchief architect\u201d was endorsed at a late- night meeting in Zhongnanhai on May 22, with Li Peng, Qiao Shi, Yao Yilin, Yang Shangkun, and several other elders. \u201cWho is the core of our party, who represents reform and development\u2014is it Comrade Zhao Ziyang or Comrade Deng Xiaoping?\u201d Li asked rhetorically. \u201cComrade Xiaoping is the chief architect of the reform and opening policies. Of course, Comrade Zhao Ziyang also did a little work, but it was the im- plementation of Comrade Xiaoping[\u2019s designs]. . . . We must make a clear stand to safeguard Comrade Xiaoping.\u201d On May 26, the formulation received its major propaganda debut on the front page of People\u2019s Daily. <\/em>\u201cThe chief architect of China\u2019s reform and opening is Comrade Deng Xiaoping and not any other person,\u201d Li Peng was quoted as saying.11 The vague phrase \u201cnot any other person\u201d pointed to the purged Zhao.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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What this meant in practice is that Jiang was coming to accept market- driven growth. \u201cThe failure of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe is not the failure of socialism,\u201d he stated in his concluding remarks at the seminar. Jiang later recalled, \u201cAfter spending a long time studying Western economics in 1991, I concluded that in a country with an underdeveloped economy . . . to push the economy forward, we must make use of the market economy.\u201dThis shift did not mark a refutation of the narrative of China\u2019s modernization that had emerged via the rectifica- tion. Rather, this gave an elevated role to market-driven growth as part of a model of state-led economic development with strict political control.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n
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